I Hebron- området må palestinske gjetere beskyttes mot agressive israelske settlere fra ulovlige utposter. Beskyttelsen gis av israelske og palestinske ikke-volds-aktivister.
Og når man vil rapportere settlernes vold ... da skjer dette:
"Want to report settler violence? You may soon be under investigation" "Palestinians and activists in the West Bank who file complaints of settler violence are finding themselves the targets of police interrogations." https://www.972mag.com/settler-violence-police-investigation/
Aktivistene dokumentere og skriver blogg , se under Kilde for detaljer.
Det er skremmende å lese hvordan ulovlige settlere, israelsk politi og IDF samarbeider og snur saker på hodet. - Her er umoral satt i system.
Det borger for et etisk forfall som vil true Israel som demokrati.
"The Most Dedicated Teachers of Antisemitsm Live Among Us"
"The most consistent teachers of
antisemitism, the ones who brainwash Palestinian children with horrible
and infuriating conclusions about Jews, live among us. They are Civil
Administration officers and inspectors, Jerusalem municipal officials,
Israel Defense Forces soldiers and Border Police officers. And let’s not
forget the architects, engineers, builders and settlers. They are all
our messengers, flesh of our flesh. Our loved ones.
The
textbooks they use are Israeli cabinet resolutions and reality. Page
after page, day after day, one military order after another, give their
Palestinian students various and sundry reasons not to love us, the
Jews."
Og Amira Hass avsluttermed ekseplel på dobbelstandard:
"The UN Office for the Coordination of
Humanitarian Affairs reports that between July 27 and August 9, the
Israeli authorities razed or confiscated 57 Palestinian structures,
depriving 97 people, 67 of them children, of their homes.
In
the year to date Israel has destroyed 592 Palestinian structures, 90 of
them in East Jerusalem. The explanation – that they were built without a
permit – is possible because of our talent for double standards.
Palestinians may not build on Palestinian land, but we, the Jews, may
build on Palestinian land with or without permits. And anyone who
objects is an antisemite."
....................
Ja, hva lærer palestinske barn mest av?
Amira Hass er ved sin aktivitet den israelske journalisten som vet mest om dette.
Og hun er klokkeklar i dette innlegget om hvem som lærer fra seg det de står for.
En Haaretz-artikkel 11. august angir at Israels nye regjering planlegger nye boliger på Vestbredden: - 863 boliger til palestinere - 2000 til israelske settlere Det å merke seg her er de 2000 til israelske settlere ... slik bygging er ulovlig etter folkeretten om krig og okkupasjon.
Det er selvfølgelig disse ulovlige 2000 boliger fokus burde vært på.
Men det er så sjeldent at Israel åpner for palestinske boliger i palestinernes eget land at det er de 863 som har fått internasjonal oppmerksomhet.
Så også i Norge ... der NRK er kommet i skade for noen skrivefeil i oppslag om saken.
Prisverdig har MIFF påpekt feilene og NRK har korrigert.
Men så kan ikke Conrad Myrland holde seg. Han kler på saken denne "informasjonen: ...... "at boligområdene og jordbrukslandet til israelske bosetninger på Vestbredden utgjør 2,7 prosent av arealet."
Dette er bevisst desinformasjon fra Conrad. Han vet bedre ... at tallene for beslaglagt område er på fra 40% til 63%.
BTselem 16. januar 2019: "At present, settlements cover 538,130 dunams – almost 10% of the West
Bank. Their regional councils control another 1,650,370 dunams,
including vast open areas that have not been attached to any particular
settlement. This brings the total area under the direct control of
settlements to 40% of the West Bank, and 63% of Area C."
Bosetningene kontrollerer 40% av Vestbredden. Og 63 % av område C. Dette vet Conrad. Han er informert om det tidligere.
Men fortsetter med bevisst desinformasjon.
Ja, man må da kunne kalle det mer enn det: Løgner.
Conrad korrigerer NRK for skrivefeil ... og NRK retter.
Men det er ikke snakk om å ta samme medisin selv når agendaen er desinformasjon.
I slutten av juli slo IDF til om natten i Al-Bireh på den okkuperte Vest-Bredden.
De brøt seg inn i den palestinske organisasjonen "Defense for Children International-Palestine (DCIP)" og stjal datamaskiner og og arkiv.
FN skriver:
GENEVA (13 August 2021) – UN human rights experts* have called on the
Government of Israel to immediately return confidential documents and
office equipment that its military seized from the offices of Defense
for Children International-Palestine (DCIP) in Al-Bireh, in the occupied
West Bank.
“We are deeply concerned by the Israeli military’s interference with
the human rights work of a well-known and well-regarded NGO,” said the
experts. Computers, hard drives, binders and other materials were taken
from DCIP’s offices during a nighttime raid at the end of July." (mer i kilden FNs Reliefweb)
Dette er uhørt.
DCIP dokumenterer IDFs arrestasjoner og behandling av palestinske barn.
Dette tåler tydeligvis IDF ikke.
FN gjør anskrik og forlanger at utstyr og arkiv leveres tilbake.
Men det er ikke nok.
De ansvarlig i IDF må utfordres og eksponeres.
Norge må bruke sin posisjon i UNSC.
Og Conrad må skrive om dette ... om behandlingen av palestinske barn av IDF.
Okkupasjon av #Palestina og #Vest-Sahara skaper samarbeid. Når slike undertrykkende regimer samarbeider er det et sterkt signal til resten av verden.
Norge har en rolle å spille i #UNSC.
I 2015 fikk Israel et nytt ministerium: "The Jerusalem Affairs and Heritage Ministry"
Nå viser det seg at kun jødisk kultur skal beskyttes med midler fra dette nye ministerium.
Myndighetene sier: ".... investment in rehabilitation and conservation of tangible and
non-tangible assets that express the national heritage of the Jewish
people in its land.”
Det er tydelig:
I Israel er kulturarv politikk.
Der det kun er flertallet som får hegnet om sin kultur.
Vi må sikre at vår fornybare vannkraft ikke bare brukes ... den må skape nye ... og flest mulig arbeidplasser.
Vannkraften må ikke "spises opp".
Bruk av norsk vannkraft må være bærebjelken i en norsk industristrategi der et nytt målebegrep må brukes når elektrisk fornybar vannkraft settes inn: Nye arbeidsplasser pr kwh. - Så verdifull er vannkraften.
...................
Ovenstående skrevet 12. mai 2021. 11. juni kom regjeringens energimelding. Den er ikke spisset nok mht optimal utnyttelse av vannkraften.
Og det verste er "elektrifisering" av virksomhet i Nordsjøen. Dette forslaget må stoppes ... elektrifiseringen må skje med havvind.
Skudeneshavn 12. mai 2021 / 11. juni2021 / 9.august 2021
Ved Beita er den 12 årig palestinske gutten Mohammed Al Alami blitt skutt mens han satt inne i farens bil. Helt unødvendig skyter IDF på bilen bakfra mens den kjører BORT fra et område:
- 10 hull i bilen .... 3 treff i gutten
Og IDF lyver om hendelsen ... det viser videoopptak.
Soldatene som løp ettter bilen og skjøt må stilles til ansvar.
I Norge har lønnsomhet av nye veier vært undervurdert lenge.
Nye veier har enmeget lang levetid ... minst 100 år. Allikevel har den beregnede "nytte" av nye veier bare vært tatt med i en brøkdel av denne tiden.
Man erkjente egentlig situasjonen lenge: At nye veier etter beregningene som ble benyttet ... på papiret kom ut som lite lønnsomme. Men dette med levde man med ... inntil 2012 ... da ble et offentlig utvalg satt ned: "Hagen-utvalget", navngitt etter formannen Kåre P. Hagen, professor emeritus fra NHH.
Beregningsmodellen inntil da hadde vært at "nyttetiden" for en vei ble satt til 25 år. Og den "årlige nytte" diskontert til nåtid etter en rentesats på 4,5%. Slik fant man den såkalte "nåverdien" ... en anerkjent metode i å vurdere om noe lønner seg å investere i.
Og la oss stoppe opp der. Hvis noe er lønnsomt med en fast årlig langsiktig inntjening ... hva skjer når man diskonterer alt til nåtid? - Da sier man at verdien av inntjeningen ..."NÅ-verdien" ... er minkende med årene.
Men er dette rett? Har nytten av eksempelvis Karmsund Bru ... nå i sitt 66. år ... vært avtagende? Det er jo egentlig motsatt. Nytten av av god infrastruktur kan øke med tiden ... og ikke minke.
Derfor har en innvending mot den gamle norske metoden med 25 års nyttetid vært at nåværende generasjon velger av "lønnsomhetsårsaker" å ikke investere i nye veier ... der neste generasjon ville hatt nytte av slike veier.
Ja, diskontering til nåverdi har denne effekten ... den fokuserer på oss ... våre prioriteringer i nåtid. Og diskusjonen om vår norske beregningsmodell har påpekt dette. Resultatet var at Hagen-utvalget foreslo økning av beregningstiden fra 25 år til 40 år og rentesatsen redusert til 4%. - Dette ble gjort gjeldende av Finansdepartementet ved rundskriv R-109 i 2014.
Men fortsatt er man med 40 år i den nedre del av levetiden. Derfor er det nå gledelig å kunne melde at i den nye NTP (Nasjonal Transportplan) for 2022-2033 vil Statens Vegvesen og Nye veier nå legge inn 75 år ved lønnsomshetsberegning for hovedveier i Norge. Og for årene utover 40 år vil diskonteringsrenten være redusert.
Dette er vesentlige endringer. Plutselig er neste generasjon en del av bildet ... selv om 75 år fortsatt er i korteste laget for effekten av nye veier. Og da snakker vi om samfunnsutviklingen for brukerne av nye veier ... menneskene og næringslivet som som har konkret nytte ... der de velger å bo og reise til arbeid fra ... og der næringslivet og bedriftene velger å etablere seg og skal ha de rette betingelsene for å overleve og holde på arbeidsplassene.
Det har vært lite kunnskap om og forståelse av beregningsmodellen for nye veier. Dette gjelder både mht politiske partier, enkeltaktører i debatten og avisredaksjoner. Derfor er det lite lyspunkt at grupperingen AP, SP og SV har et høringssinnspill til vår nyeste NTP ... at det må tas mer hensyn i modellen til tidskostnader for næringslivet.
Betydningen av god infrastruktur er helt sentral for samfunnsutviklingen og bosetningen i et desentralt Norge. Og her må man ta på seg et 100-års perspektiv for utviklingen av og visjonen for de lokalsamfunn det gjelder. Og stå opp mot dagens mote ... de gjeldende sentraliseringskrefter ... for de er sterke.
Skudeneshavn 7. august 2021
Jan Marton Jensen
PS:
Sendt til publisering i Haugesunds Avis 8. august 2021.
Purret Haugesunds Avis skriftlig 19. august om publisering.
Ringt Haugesunds Avis 25. august ... fikk løfte om publisering.
Haugesunds Avis publiserte innlegget på nettet 26. august 2021:
Ved Beita er den palestinske rørlegger Shadi Salim skutt og drept ... han hadde en rørtang i hånden. IDF- soldater trodde det var en jernstang.
Den drepte var på jobb med et oppdrag ... han var på vei til koblingsstasjonen utendørs for Beitas vannforsyning ... men det hjalp ikke for IDF-soldatene.
På toppen av det hele:
IDF nekter å utlevere liket til denne uskyldig drepte rørlegger.
Så han kan ikke begraves.
Rørlegger Shadi Salim var 41 år, gift og hadde barn.
Ved Beita skyter IDF nåomdagen med skarp ammunisjon først ... og spør etterpå.
Der er det drept uskyldige palestinere nesten hver dag i det siste.
..........................
Ny info
12. august i Haaretzartikkel:
1) Liket av rørleggeren er frigitt etter press på IDF fra israelske politikere
2) Ny palestiner skutt av IDF ved Beita ... far til 5. IDF "undersøker" hva som skjedde
A Palestinian Plumber Was Shot Dead by Israeli Troops While Trying to Fix a Water Outage
Alex LevacAugust 06, 2021
The
press conference, if you can call it that, was pathetic. Sad. Hopeless.
Some two dozen elderly men – functionaries of the Palestinian Authority
and local notables, together with the bereaved father and the grieving
son – stood at the entrance to their village under the broiling noontime
sun, holding large posters. The microphones of local television
stations were passed from hand to hand, the speeches were delivered, the
lofty rhetoric was uttered – and everyone knew that their words were
just blowing in the wind.
The setting, too, was pathetic. The demonstrators were poised between
the village’s wholesale produce market and its stone-cutting factory,
amid putrid piles of rotting fruit, mostly mango, and the refuse of the
factory. Behind them was parked a truck that carried the inscription, in
Hebrew, as though by invitation, “Millions of people can’t be wrong” –
the slogan of the St. Moritz company, which manufactures cleaning and
pest-extermination products.
Whether millions are right or wrong, this village, Beita, which lies
between Tapuah Junction and Nablus in the West Bank, declared the start
of a campaign for the return of the body of one of its finest sons, the
village plumber, Shadi Shurafi. He was killed last week on Tuesday
evening by Israel Defense Forces soldiers from the Kfir Brigade – as he
stood next to what are apparently the village’s main water valves, down
the road from its entrance, holding a monkey wrench.
The leaders of the village and the PA officials have threatened that
until the family of the deceased plumber receives his body for burial,
there will be no quiet around here. According to the officials, Israel
is – appallingly – holding the remains of about 300 Palestinians, within
the framework of the profiteering from bodies that’s going on, which is
supposedly intended to bring about the return by Hamas of the remains
of two IDF soldiers killed in the Gaza Strip in 2014, Lt. Hadar Goldin
and Staff Sgt. Oron Shaul.
Everyone knows that the soldiers’ bodies, as well as the two captive
Israeli civilians being held in Gaza, will be returned only in exchange
for live Palestinian prisoners serving time in Israeli jails. But why
not hoard bodies and ratchet up the pain of the families of the
Palestinian dead?
Saad
Shurafi, at the site where his brother Shadi was killed. A war has
ensued over the return of the plumber’s body. Alex Levac
Residents of the militant village of Beita don’t intend to give in
any time soon: They are convinced their plumber did nothing to justify
being shot with live ammunition, while he was clearly on the job. During
the press conference, which was comprised of a collection of
declarations for the local media of Hawara and environs, Shurafi’s son,
13-year-old Leith, faced the cameras with a grim look, while the
deceased’s father, Omar, fought hard to keep himself from bursting into
tears.
The two were positioned below a stone monument bearing a map of
Palestine, which functions like the gateway to the village. That
morning, two IDF jeeps were parked at the entrance to the village, a few
hundred meters away. The army knows in advance about every gathering
that takes place here. A Palestinian ambulance was also on the scene,
waiting for developments. Five Palestinian demonstrators have been killed here
in the past few weeks, in the battle over the land of the nearby
Evyatar settler outpost, which was forcibly taken away from several
villages in the area. Four of those killed were from Beita, and now the
plumber has been added to the list.
Speakers at the press conference on Monday, when we visited, were a
reflection of the PA itself. Weary, expressionless, they delivered their
spiels on autopilot. There was a representative of the Palestinian
Ministry of Information, officials from other ministries and alongside
them the omnipresent Khairi Hannoun, 62, a demonstrator from Anabta. He
attends demonstrations throughout the West Bank wearing traditional
Palestinian attire, a Palestinian flag attached to his cane and a
keffiyeh on his head. He’s been dubbed the “Palestinian George Floyd,”
because last September an Israeli soldier struck him while another
pressed on Hannoun’s throat with his foot. Hannoun came out of it better
than the original Floyd, and now he’s at the Beita demonstration.
At the conclusion of the speeches, we watched as the participants
started marching toward the soldiers. Another army jeep was summoned and
also some soldiers on foot, who took up positions along the road. The
elderly demonstrators walked, arms linked, chanting, “With blood and
fire we will redeem you, O martyr.” A few meters from the soldiers they
stopped. A moment later the soldiers fired two tear-gas canisters at
them, but the protesters held their ground despite the frightening noise
and the stinging gas. They stood mutely opposite the soldiers, who
behaved with relative restraint, possibly because they see that the
demonstrators are the same age as their own grandfathers.
These soldiers are the children of our friends and the friends of our
children, and now we were standing opposite them, blending in with the
residents of Beita who are fighting to get a body back. These people are
the “Goldins of Beita,” but without the publicized journeys abroad and
PR machine of the Israeli family of one of the two soldiers whose remains have been held in Gaza
for seven years. Israeli flags flap in the breeze on the lampposts on
the main access road to the village, as though this were sovereign
Israeli territory.
Leith, Shadi Shurafi's son, at the site of his father's death. Alex Levac
After a short time the demonstrators turned around and headed for the
renovated hall in the center of the village, where they paid their
respects to the grieving family. Omar, who had held back his tears
during the press event, could no longer contain himself and began
weeping bitterly, uncontrollably, the villagers hugging him. Leith’s
young face was emotionless, traumatized. He was wearing a yellow T-shirt
with the words “Dolce & Gabbana” inscribed on it. Besides him,
Shurafi also left behind three other children, all younger then Leith.
Their father was employed for 17 years by the village council as a
plumber, and he also worked in neighboring villages, including the town
of Hawara. He drove a 2015 BMW X5 jeep, with which he left his house
last Tuesday after 10 P.M. Why did he go out? Where did he go? Why did
he stop next to the collection of valves opposite the settlers’ small
reservoir for drinking water? It’s not clear. His brother Saad, 43,
relates that Shurafi was summoned both day and night, and frequently, to
check the local water system, as he was that fateful night, when the
water supply to the villagers had stopped. The system is very poor and
the supply is frequently disrupted.
Saad saw his brother that afternoon, he told us, as he was filling
the little pool he had placed on the roof of his house for the children.
The local council called his brother that evening, Saad says, and asked
him to see about the water outage. He drove his jeep to the entrance of
Beita, then turned south on Highway 60. He parked a short distance from
the village, next to a junkyard, the only spot where parking is
possible on that main highway, which has no shoulders at all. He got out
of his vehicle and walked back a few dozen meters, then crossed the
highway eastward, exactly like we did this week with his bereaved
brother and son. It was the first time they’d been there since their
loved one was killed.
On one side of the highway is a small reservoir and other water
installations that are protected by a guard armed with a machine gun –
as it was when we were there this week. On the other side are pipes and
valves and faucets enclosed by a fence that has holes in it. That’s
where Shurafi headed. The valves and so on are a few meters away from
the highway, beyond its safety rail, on a slope. Behind them lies an
olive grove. There are no warning signs indicating that entry is
forbidden. According to Saad, all the water-related mechanisms there are
connected to Beita’s supply.
It was 10:30 P.M., and other than Shurafi and his killers there was
apparently no one around. In the houses not far from the road people
were still out and about and suddenly heard gunfire shattering the
quiet. The residents later told Saad that they counted about 12 shots.
At 11:30 P.M., Saad read on Facebook that his brother had been killed by
soldiers.
Shadi Shurafi's father, Omar, center. Alex Levac
What happened there?
A statement issued by the IDF Spokesperson’s Unit after the incident
said that Shurafi had advanced quickly toward the Kfir soldiers, holding
what looked to them like an iron rod. They fired into the air, he
didn’t stop – and they killed him.
In response to a query from Haaretz, the spokesperson wrote: “In the
wake of the incident, a Military Police investigation has been launched,
at the conclusion of which the findings will be forwarded for
examination by the military advocate general’s unit. The body is being
held by the IDF in accordance with procedures. The issue of the return
of the body is being examined by the relevant persons and is subject to
the political decision makers.”
There were some neighbors who saw Shurafi get out of his vehicle
carrying a monkey wrench and walking slowly toward the water valves. In a
photograph published after his death a wrench is seen lying on the
ground and next to it a pack of Marlboros and a bloodstain. The
bloodstain was dry this week when we got there. Why did the soldiers
kill this man? And why is Israel refusing to return his body?
On Monday this week Saad went to the Israeli Coordination and Liaison
office in Hawara, in a desperate attempt to retrieve his brother’s
body. A female officer told him politely, he relates, that they know his
brother had a clean record and apparently didn’t do anything, but added
that the return of his body is not in the hands of the Civil
Administration. “She said that someone high up would decide and they
would let me know.” The officer then gave him his brother’s ID card. He
opens it now and bursts into tears.
In the meantime, the road leading out of Beita is completely blocked
by protesters. After the village elders left the press conference, the
young people showed up. A car ahead of us carried tires on its roof for
burning, but there was no need for them as thick black smoke was already
billowing above the road and at the entrance to the village. Stones
were hurled with slingshots, tear-gas canisters were fired, and for a
moment it seemed as though we were in a war – a war over the body of the
plumber from Beita.
Israels Høyesterett velger å IKKE avgjøre Sheikh Jarrah-saken.
Foreslår egentlig en løsning som palestinerne avviser ... at de kan bo der lenger ... men at de anerkjenner eierskapet til settler-organisasjonen.
Det Israels Høyesterett her foreslår har et engelsk uttrykk: "Kick the can down the road".
Det er tydelig at israelsk Høyesterett her er påvirket av den internasjonale oppmerksomheten.
Journalisten i Haaretz skriver bl.a.
"In the end, the Sheikh Jarrah legal battle revolves around one
question. Is it simply a real estate dispute, as the settlers assert, or
is it part of a campaign by the state – its official arms (the
custodian general, Land Registry, the Israel Police) and its unofficial
ones (the Nahalat Shimon Company) to dispossess the Palestinians and
Judaize the neighborhood? If it’s the latter, it’s a campaign based on
discrimination and unjust laws.
Needless to say, for the rest of the world, apart from Israel, the
Palestinian viewpoint is the one that is accepted; the view that it’s a
private dispute is rejected."
......................................
Her blir det nye runder i retten.
Det spørs om ikke den internasjonal oppmerksomheten må vedvare.
In Sheikh Jarrah, Israel's High Court Seeks to Avoid Ruling on Who’s Right
Nir HassonAugust 03, 2021
Police in the East Jerusalem neighborhood of Sheikh Jarrah, this monthEmil Salman
An extraordinary hearing was held in Room D of the High Court of
Justice on Monday. Outside were scores of journalists, diplomats,
left-wing activists and a small group of right-wingers. There were also
scores of Sheikh Jarrah residents who had arrived in a last-ditch effort
to prevent eviction from their homes.
The thrust of the arrangement Justices Isaac Amit, Daphne Barak-Erez and Noam Sohlberg sought would let the Palestinian residents
remain in their homes with the status of protected tenants. Moreover,
they would be recognized as first-generation protected tenants, meaning
that their children and grandchildren would be able to stay in the
houses. In exchange, they would pay 1,500 shekels ($465) a year to the
company Nahalat Shimon, which has been seeking to evict them.
The problem isn’t the money but the question of recognizing Nahalat
Shimon as the owner. The Palestinians refuse to. For their part,
representatives of the settlers demanded explicit Palestinian
recognition of ownership of the land under the buildings and a promise
not to raise further claims in the future. The Palestinians resolutely
refused.
The arrangement the court proposed had other problems, for example,
who would be the recognized tenant of each property, because it was
often the case that a number of brothers inherited a house but only one
of them can be designated a protected tenant.
Another problem is that protected tenants aren’t wholly protected
from eviction. For instance, if the settlers are able to get a
construction permit in the framework of the P’nui U’Binui (urban
renewal) program, they can order the residents out in exchange for
providing them with substitute housing. Justice Amit, the chairman of
the three-judge panel, was optimistic that this problem could be solved
by “constructive diplomacy.”
“We will rule that the petitioners declare that they are the
protected tenants and that the respondent is registered as the owner,
and the issue is resolved. This [compromise] will provide breathing
space of a few good years until then either there will be a real estate
agreement or peace will come. We do not know what will happen. Is it
possible to sum up this matter?” Amit said to the two sides.
It was clear that Amit and his colleagues didn’t want to sign an
order evicting the families from their homes. “What we are saying is
let’s bring this down from the level of principles to a pragmatic level.
People should be able to continue living there – that’s the idea – to
try and reach a practical arrangement without making declarations of one
kind or another. We’ve seen how interested the media are in this. We
want a practical solution,” said Amit.
But as the hearing progressed, the justices found it harder and
harder to bring the two sides together. In the end, they responded to
the request by the Palestinians’ lawyers, Sami Arshid and Salah Abu
Hussein, to break for consultations. But the court told them they
couldn’t leave the courtroom. The justices expressed concern that if
they were allowed to leave they would be subject to outside influences
that would cause them to reject any compromise.
“You will remain here under house arrest but without electronic
handcuffs,” joked Amit. The non-Palestinian spectators, who have never
experienced arrest or house arrest, perhaps enjoyed the joke more.
After the hearings resumed, however, the justices despaired of
compromise. Instead, they instructed the two parties to begin making
their cases over the substance of the legal dispute itself. That was
unusual since the Palestinians’ claims have already been rejected for a
variety of technical reasons – statute of limitations, a lack of public
interest in pursuing the litigation, presumption of administrative
correctness and others.
Arshid and Abu Hussein jumped at the opportunity and began to detail
the difficulties and illogic of a foreign company controlled by
right-wing activists becoming the owners of an East Jerusalem
neighborhood. All the eviction orders to date have been based on two
foundations: The first is the registration of the land as Jewish in 1972
and the second is the hearings that took place in the High Court in the
1980s during which the Palestinians recognized Jewish ownership of the
land. Since then, in nearly all the legal proceedings, it has been
claimed that the Palestinians were not entitled to appeal either of
these foundations. This time, they were allowed to.
Arshid and Abu Hussein claimed, for example, that the 1972
registration was done by accident or fraudulently, that the settlers
have no documents attesting to their ownership, that the Israeli Justice
Ministry’s Custodian General didn’t have the authority to award control
of the land to Jews, that the government of Jordan transferred control
of the land to them and that even Yaakov Shapira, when he was Israeli
justice minister in 1968, promised that even if the land was restored to
the Jews who controlled it before 1948 the tenants wouldn’t be evicted.
Ilan Shemer, representing Nahalat Shimon, rejected all the
Palestinian claims. He asserted that the current Sheikh Jarrah residents
aren’t necessarily connected with those who were settled in the place
by the Jordanian government. He noted that the defendants had revised
their claims over the years and each time raised new ones in their
defense.
“You can’t claim there was fraud 50 years later,” he said and added,
“They want us to overturn every ruling since the creation of the world.”
As the hearings proceeded, it was clear that the judges were even
less happy to make a decision and even more determined to get the
parties to agree to a compromise. “Contrary to what we wanted, you have
both sought to bring this to court. But our hope is not yet lost,” said
Amit.
The justices instructed the Palestinian side to present the court
with a list of candidates for protected-tenant status. Most of those in
court assumed that the justices’ intention was to use the list in the
next hearing to pressure the parties to compromise, thereby avoiding a
decision to evict the residents.
In the end, the Sheikh Jarrah legal battle revolves around one
question. Is it simply a real estate dispute, as the settlers assert, or
is it part of a campaign by the state – its official arms (the
custodian general, Land Registry, the Israel Police) and its unofficial
ones (the Nahalat Shimon Company) to dispossess the Palestinians and
Judaize the neighborhood? If it’s the latter, it’s a campaign based on
discrimination and unjust laws.
Needless to say, for the rest of the world, apart from Israel, the
Palestinian viewpoint is the one that is accepted; the view that it’s a
private dispute is rejected.
The three justices struggled to decide where the court stood on this
question. On the one hand, they are clearly not happy reopening a
discussion on the legal substance of the affair. On the other, they also
very much do not want to order the eviction of hundreds of people from
their homes – at least not now, when Sheikh Jarrah is the focus of media
and diplomatic attention.
But the Palestinians also have a problem. Sheikh Jarrah has become a
powerful symbol for the Palestinian public. Its residents have become
culture heroes, a status that makes it difficult for them to agree to a
compromise, even if it ensures they will not be evicted.
The pressure on them in the time that remains until the next hearing
will be immense. It appears that the justices are aware of that as could
be seen in Justice Amit’s parting wishes to the lawyers on Monday: “If
we meet again, may it be with fewer people. Not that this is a problem –
we’re willing to rent Teddy Stadium. But everyone realizes what the
problem is.”
Undersøkende journalister og bloggere dømmes etter spionlovgivning der journalister i aviser går fri.
Så påpeker Johanthan Cook, som selv er undersøkende journalist, i denne artikkelen:
"Murray Jailing Latest Move to Stop Journalism"
Dette er en lang og grundig artikkel av Cook der han påpeker hvordan uavhengig journalisme knebles av myndigheter og domstoler ... og at dette er et planmessig angrep på ytringsfriheten.
Utdrag:
"Assange and Murray are the canaries in the coal mine for the growing crackdown on investigative journalism and on efforts to hold executive power to account."
Det er alvorlige temaer Cook tar opp i denne artikkelen.
