Ron Punfdak er arkitekten bak Osloa-avtalen.
Her er hans egen vurdering fra 2001, se Kilde:
"From Oslo to Taba:
What Went Wrong?"
Analyse av eksperten , ... og med kritiske ord mot både Arafat og Ehud Barak, spesielt den siste for at det ikke ble noean avtale ved Camp David - eller Taba-fiorhandlingene.
Skudeneshavn .6.j uli 2024
Jan Marton Jensen
Kilde:
11. april 2024
https://www.timesofisrael.com/ron-pundak-architect-of-oslo-accords-dies-at-59/
Oppsummering av Khaled Elgindy 12. april 2018 om de mislykkede fredsprosessen i Israel.Palestina konflikten, se Kilde.
Skudeneshavn 25. mars 2024
Jan Marton Jensen
Kilde:
https://www.brookings.edu/people/khaled-elgindy/
12. april 2018
https://www.brookings.edu/articles/how-the-peace-process-killed-the-two-state-solution/
Artikkel av Edward Said 14. desember 2000., se Kilde
Dekker Camp David-forhandlingene og de tidligere Oslo-avtalene.
Edward Said er en klar kritiker av Oslo-avtalene og Camp-David innholdet.
Han mener palestinerne er blitt lurt til kompromisser som ikke blir gjengjeldt.
Skudeneshavn 24. mars 2024
Jan Marton Jensen
Kilde:
Bøker av Edward Said:
https://www.lrb.co.uk/contributors/edward-said
14. desember 2000
https://www.lrb.co.uk/the-paper/v22/n24/edward-said/palestinians-under-siege
Israel knuger palestinske kulturelle aktiviteter i okkuperte Øst-Jerusalem mer og mer.
Sist ut er denne: (Middle East Monitor 3. august 2023, se Kilde)
"Ben-Gvir bans Palestinians from holding party to celebrate exam successes"
PLO har påpekt og oppsummert den økende knugingen 9. mai 2020, se Kilde
"Shutdown of Palestinian events
in occupied East Jerusalem after the Trump Administration’s illegal
recognition of Jerusalem as Israel’s capital"
Til tross for at Israel i 1993 under Oslo-avtaleene skriftlig lovet at palestinske institusjoner i Øst-Jerusalem ... de skulle REPEKTERES, så har det MOTSATTE skjedd.
Dette skriftlige løfte ble gitt i brev fra Shimon Peres til Norges utenriksminister Joahn Jørgen Holst.
PLO angir:
"During the Oslo negotiation, the PLO requested a written commitment
from the Israeli side regarding the specific status of the Jerusalem
institutions. This came on October 11, 1993, when Israeli Foreign
Minister Shimon Peres sent a letter of assurances on the issue of
Palestinian institutions in Occupied East Jerusalem to Minister Johan
Jorgen Holst of Norway, after making a statement to the same effect in
the Knesset on September 9, 1993. The letter reads:
“I wish to confirm that the Palestinian institutions of East
Jerusalem and the interests and well-being of the Palestinians of East
Jerusalem are of great importance and will be preserved. Therefore, all
the Palestinian institutions of East Jerusalem, including the economic,
social, educational, cultural, and the holy Christian and Moslem places,
are performing an essential task for the Palestinian population.
Needless to say, we will not hamper their activity; on the contrary, the
fulfilment of this important mission is to be encouraged ."
Johan Jørgen Holst døde i 1994.
Har alle israelske løfter under Oslo-avtalene dødd med ham?
Skudeneshavn 4. august 2023
Jan Marton Jensen
På Twitter:
4. august 2023
https://twitter.com/janmarton/status/1687539298583642131
4. august 2023
https://twitter.com/janmarton/status/1687543016209158144
12. september 2023
https://twitter.com/janmarton/status/1701999085224448231
Kilde:
https://nbl.snl.no/Johan_J%C3%B8rgen_Holst
3. august 2023
https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20230803-ben-gvir-bans-palestinians-from-holding-party-to-celebrate-exam-successes/
9. mai 2020
https://www.plo.ps/en/article/174/
11. oktober 1993
Melding hos Israels UD
https://www.gov.il/en/Departments/General/fm-peres-letter-to-norwegian-fm-on-jerusalem
"Now that some of the euphoria has lifted, it is possible to re-examine the Israeli-PLO agreement with the required common sense. What emerges from such scrutiny is a deal that is more flawed and, for most of the Palestinian people, more unfavourably weighted than many had first supposed. The fashion-show vulgarities of the White House ceremony, the degrading spectacle of Yasser Arafat thanking everyone for the suspension of most of his people’s rights, and the fatuous solemnity of Bill Clinton’s performance, like a 20th-century Roman emperor shepherding two vassal kings through rituals of reconciliation and obeisance: all these only temporarily obscure the truly astonishing proportions of the Palestinian capitulation.
So first of all let us call the agreement by its real name: an instrument of Palestinian surrender, a Palestinian Versailles."
...... forts i Kilde
Skudeneshavn 22. juni 2023
Jan Marton Jensen
Kilde:
21. juni 2023 Se kommentarer
https://www.aftenposten.no/meninger/kronikk/i/zEz7k1/hvor-er-de-kritiske-spoersmaalene-til-norske-diplomaters-fremstilling-av-seg-selv
21. oktober 1993
https://www.lrb.co.uk/the-paper/v15/n20/edward-said/the-morning-after
To ferske artikler summerer opp situasjonen i Israel - Palestina-konflikten:
1) "Why Israel’s plan of subcontracting the occupation is failing"
Oslo-avtalene har over tid resultert i at palestinerne administrerer sin egen okkupasjon, og ikke gitt PA noe reelt politisk fundament for en statsdannelse, snarere tvert imot.
2) "The Real Escalation Is the Destruction of Palestinian Space"
Beskrivelse av Amira Hass om hvordan gjennom årene de palestinske områdene på Vestbredden systematisk er oppdelt/omringet av ulovlige israelske nybygginger, slik at de fremståe som enklaver, ja en hullet sveitserost.
- Og det er dette som er den israelske strategien, hvevder Amira Haas.
(HELE artikkelen i Haaretz nederst under Kilde)
Oslo-avtalene skulle åpne en politisk vei til statsdannelse og selvstendighet og statsdannelse for palestinerne.
Det er blitt motsatt, og disse to artiklene går grundig gjennom årsakene og viser resultatene pr oktober 2022.
Skudeneshavn 5. oktober 2022
Jan Marton Jensen
Kilde:
27. september 2022
https://www.972mag.com/palestinian-authority-nablus-occupation-subcontractor/
HELE artikkelen i Haaretz 3. oktober 2022:
The
frenetic elections that take place with Italian frequency stands in
contrast to the stability of Israeli policy in the West Bank (including
East Jerusalem). By that, I mean the policy that, ever since the
occupation began in 1967, has been breaking up Palestinian territory
into as many small enclaves as possible, each surrounded and
disconnected from each other by as many Jewish-only settlement blocs as
possible. These blocs are expanding and are increasingly being connected
to Israel by a network of roads that is upgraded frequently.
The shredding of Palestinian space is the first and most important escalation, a permanent one written in advance into all government plans. Every Palestinian witnesses it and experiences it personally. Israeli Jews ignore it, out of elective ignorance, indifference and because they profit from it.
This is the mother of all escalations, avout which every diplomat from the European Union or the U.S. Embassy in Jerusalem receives regular reports. But in the mouths of their bosses at these nations’ foreign ministries, it is translated into cliches such as “we support Israel’s right to defend itself.” Diplomatic cynicism is also escalating.
Our media enthusiastically obsesses over minor, transient issues like the latest election poll and parrots ad nauseam the military/settler
mantra about the escalation in Jenin. Its most important mission is to
avoid dealing with what’s truly important – the planned, calculated
territorial dissection that many Israelis have been carrying out with
cold, juridical, surgical efficiency, wrapped in cunning, sophisticated
propaganda and carefully calculated pious lustfulness. The geographic,
demographic and aesthetic mutilation of Palestinian space is carried out
in broad daylight.
Israelization is racing forward. Luxurious suburbs awash in greenery,
signs at every intersection with ads for affordable single-family
homes, new traffic circles, and malls which boast a neighborly
atmosphere have all been turning Palestinian communities into
two-dimensional scenery or hiding them completely behind iron gates,
bypass roads, blocked roads and Israeli signs announcing that it’s
illegal for Israelis to enter. Israel’s spatial planning screams the
Palestinians’ redundancy and the unassailable superiority of residents
of the Jewish colonies, now and in the future.
Here and there, Haaretz or +972 website
report on acts of spatial rape perpetrated by Israel. But two or three
reports per month, or even per week, don’t reflect its scale, pace and
serial nature. To understand the destructiveness of Israeli planning in
this Palestinian territory and the diligent work of breaking it apart,
you have to keep redrawing the lines connecting thousands (did I say
thousands? It’s millions) of points – the facts on the ground created by
all Israeli governments over the years.
It started with a military order from 1971 that abolished Palestinian
towns’ planning authority. This order remains valid today in roughly 60
percent of the West Bank.
It continues with the expropriation of land for military purposes and its subsequent transfer to the settlements, in violation of international law; forbidding Palestinian construction and development; environment-guzzling roads; agricultural land expropriated (“for the public’s needs”) to benefit every isolated settlement; California-style highways that connect the settlements to Israel; shining new paved roads that connect the heart of each settlement with its new neighborhoods and outposts – built several kilometers away – and in the process swallow up more of the nearby Palestinian villages’ land reserves and pasturage; a ban on Palestinian construction near these roads; and let’s not forget the security road that surrounds each settlement.
It is taken further by preventing Palestinians from accessing their lands for years, on various pretexts and through various means; limiting the amount of water allocated the Palestinians and restricting their own drills to find water; declaring hundreds of thousands of dunams of Palestinian land to be “state land”; allocating these state lands exclusively to Jews; creating army firing zones to block Palestinians’ natural rural development; acquiring land through forged sale documents; outposts that begin with mobile homes and turn into permanent villas; blocking the exits from nearby Palestinian villages for the sake of these outposts’ security; agricultural outposts that plant vineyards on ostensibly “abandoned” Palestinian land; and herding outposts, which are the new hot thing, so far the most gluttonous devourers of Palestinian land.
Every such fact must be connected to all the others. Otherwise, it’s impossible to understand that fact and its implications. Otherwise, you can’t see the whole monster.
You
can quantify the enormous number of dunams taken over by the herding
outposts again and again. You can calculate how many dunams have been
expropriated from Palestinian areas, whether de jure or de facto. You
can describe the teeth of the bulldozers that uproot olive groves both
ancient and new. And you can measure almost to the inch how much clearly
Palestinian agricultural land, with ancient wells and gurgling springs,
has been converted into a treasury of real estate for Jews or green
lungs free of Arabs (except for the workers), or on the way to becoming
Arab-free.
But you have to connect all these facts again and again to understand how the land has been filled with settlement blocs – the Shiloh bloc,
the eastern and western and northern Etzion blocs, the Reihan bloc, the
Latrun enclave, the Talmonim bloc, the Ariel bloc, the Rimonim bloc,
the bloc comprised of the Old City of Hebron plus Kiryat Arba. These
will soon be joined by the northern Jordan Valley bloc, the Shima bloc
in the southwestern Hebron Hills and the Susya bloc in the southeastern
West Bank. And Israel’s grasping hand is still outstretched.
There’s no doubt that Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin’s hope/plan of 1995
has been fulfilled. A month before he was murdered, he told the Knesset
that one of the foundations of any permanent-status agreement would be
“to establish settlement blocs like Gush Katif – and I wish theywere
[already] established – in the West Bank as well.” Gush Katif, located
in the Gaza Strip, was admittedly dismantled. But in its place, more and
more settlement blocs and metastasis have been and still are being
established in the West Bank including East Jerusalem, as numberless as
the grains of sands on a beach.
Aside from the ongoing reports in the Palestinian press, Israeli organizations like Kerem Navot, Bimkom, Ir Amim, Peace Now, Emek Shaveh, B’Tselem and Yesh Din, as well as Arij, the Palestinian Applied Research Institute – Jerusalem, provide a great deal of information about all of the above, along with real-time alerts and periodic in-depth analyses. Nevertheless, anyone who hasn’t experienced this process or seen it with their own eyes will have trouble grasping the violence and destructiveness of these planning measures.
Dedicated lawyers, both self-employed and from organizations like Haqel, the Association for Civil Rights in Israel and Hamoked – Center for the Defense of the Individual, together with Palestinian and Israeli activists from various organizations try to stop this serial rape, or at least send alerts. But these organizations, which are few and small in number, are increasingly being persecuted and marginalized.
The rightist media and settler organs frequently publish victorious reports about another Godly Zionist real estate achievement. Consumers of this media experience the shredding and fragmentation, and the compression of Palestinians into pales of settlement as a redemption of the land, the fulfilment of a divine commandment and a leap forward in their quality of life and material gains.
The settlers’ violence and their takeover of Palestinian land, beyond that of the official, published master plans, are an inseparable part of the system. The violence is reported on a bit more, because it’s a story with a plot. Nevertheless, despite occasional expressions of shock, the forces of “law” and order permitted and continue to permit this systematic violence, and thereby legitimize and encourage it.
It all takes place before the soldiers’ very eyes, yet they either stand aside or shoot the Palestinians who rush to the assistance of their brethren. The victims of the attacks are arrested, the Jewish assailants file complaints against the victims, the police either fail to locate any Jewish suspects or fail to question them, the case is closed due to lack of public interest, and the prosecution doesn’t file indictments. That’s what happens month after month, year after year.
The Jewish violence that accompanies every new outpost was and is like the urine a dog uses to mark his territory. After it comes the army, the planners, the settlements' regional council and the lawyers. Then they finish the job with mobile homes, followed by hookups to water and electricity, and most likely by taking over a spring and/or barring Palestinians from accessing their olive groves. The grove’s owners are allowed to go there only twice a year, with advance coordination and a military escort – if the settlers are so kind as to allow it.
But this is never a permanent, final border. More violence expands the territory even further, if only by a few dunams each time. And amid it, the pockets intended for the Palestinians get swallowed up. The smaller, denser and more isolated they are from other such pockets, the better.
Shattering the territory goes far beyond “thwarting the establishment of a Palestinian state.” It’s deliberate, institutionalized abuse of each and every one of the five million Palestinians living in the West Bank (including East Jerusalem) and the Gaza Strip (the severance of Gaza’s population from the West Bank's is part of this territorial segmentation). This abuse targets property and income, tradition and family life, the possibility of an education, social ties, freedom of movement, any chance of a future.
The institutionalized, sophisticated theft of territory assaults both the present and the history of every locale, city, village and family and harms the physical and mental health of every Palestinian. The problem with this territorial carve-up isn’t that it weakens the Palestinian Authority, but that it inevitably and intentionally sabotages the collective living in Gaza and the West Bank.
The world once promised that this collective’s right to independence and freedom would be realized. It promised and betrayed its promise. Only the Palestinians’ impressive rootedness and endurance have disrupted the Israeli master plan a tad.
Some people criticize the outgoing (anti-Netanyahu) government, which has been in place for the past year, saying it’s worse than its predecessors with regard to its policy in the West Bank – the high number of Palestinians killed by soldiers; the pogroms perpetrated by settlers with a green light from the police, prosecution and army; the plans to legalize outposts; and so forth. This accusation is both correct and incorrect.
Because the shattering of Palestinian space is a planned, calculated process that spans successive governments, it’s only natural that every stage of it is more sophisticated and more destructive than its predecessor and crosses some line that wasn’t crossed in the previous stage. This is a preordained escalation that’s happening before our very eyes, and the center-right government formed by Naftali Bennett, Yair Lapid and Benny Gantz (with help from Merav Michaeli and Nitzan Horowitz) neither stopped it nor intended to stop it.
But it’s only by chance that the current government played this part in 2022. In 2023, the planning escalation will continue, because – disastrously for us – there’s no chance that the world will wake up anytime soon and exert significant pressure on Israel and Israelis to stop it.
This destruction and dispossession isn’t a new invention; Israel has both expertise and experience in this field. It is now doing in the West Bank what it has been doing within it's recognized borders ("the green line") ever since 1948.
In the early 1990s, when the diplomatic process between Israel and the PLO was launched, the logical expectation – on the part of the Palestinians; the Israeli peace camp, which once existed but no longer does; and the countries that lent their aegis to the Oslo process – was that Israel would stop this process of carving up and stealing land in 22 percent of historic Palestine. But under cover of the peace talks, Israel actually accelerated this process and developed an ever greater appetite for real estate.
It thereby proved the accuracy of the Palestinians’ analysis and claims for more than 100 years – that the goal, and the essence, of Zionism is their dispossession and expulsion from their lands and their homeland.
The Oslo Accord was worded vaguely enough that it was possible to waste time on interpretive arguments over the dates, the amount of territory to be transferred to Palestinian civilian authority in each military redeployment, the connection between Gaza and the West Bank, the return of the Palestinians uprooted in 1967, construction in the settlements, the right to water and the economy. Given the patently unequal balance of power, the interpretations and interests of the stronger side – Israel – obviously won out and were reflected in practical policy.
The interim period stipulated by that agreement was supposed to last five years and end in May 1999. By that time, the sides were supposed to have reached understandings about a permanent agreement that was then supposed to be implemented immediately.
The Palestinian leadership and the leaders of the Fatah party, which headed the PLO, as well as Israeli peaceniks and both Arab and Western countries, all concluded that the permanent agreement would be based on establishing an independent Palestinian state in the territory Israel occupied in 1967, despite the vehement opposition to such a state by the Israeli leaders responsible for Oslo, Yitzhak Rabin and Shimon Peres. The belief of the Palestinian negotiators, headed by Yasser Arafat, that Israel had indeed decided to change its spots and stop taking over occupied Palestinian lands is a subject for historical, psychological and political research.
In exchange for a gradual shrinking of the occupation during the
“interim period,” which was supposed to end 23 years ago with the
transfer of most of the West Bank to Palestinian authority (that is, to
what the Oslo Accord termed Area A), the Palestinian leadership agreed
to begin security coordination and cooperation with the main mechanisms
of the occupation – the Shin Bet security service and the army. It
agreed to take action against members of its own people who used or
advocated the use of weapons to oppose the agreement with Israel. The
reasons it gave for this were that only the Palestinian Authority was
entitled to bear arms, and that security coordination was essential to
the success of the five-year-long interim phase, and thus to the
establishment of the Palestinian state.
Almost 30 years have passed since then, and the promise embodied by the
Oslo Accord – that the Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank would be
freed from the Israeli occupation – hasn’t been kept. Nevertheless,
Israel demands that Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas and the
Palestinian security services continue protecting the occupation – the
settlers and the army. And Abbas and the security services obey. This
behavior peaked two weeks ago, when, under a steamroller of Israeli
pressure, the PA security services acted like an army of occupation and
arrested a Palestinian in Nablus who was suspected of shooting at
Israeli military targets and settlers.
What benefit or meaning there is in weapons that do nothing to stop the
Israeli machinery of destruction and dispossession and leave tens of
thousands of Palestinians prey to settler violence is a question for
another article. But the absurdity is clear. The army and the Shin Bet
have a Palestinian subcontractor. They continue to demand that it uphold
its part of a deal that expired long ago and that Israel, from the very
first moment, gutted of any respect of Palestinian rights, whether
human rights or their rights as a people. How long will senior Fatah
officials and the Palestinian security services continue collaborating
with this Israeli escalation and humiliation? Only time will tell.
