Et intervju med tyske Muriel Asseburg på Youtube den 28. juni 2023 (se Kilde) har skapt israelsk forargelse.
Hennes artikkel fra 2019 er også relevant, se Kilde. "Putting the Controversy About BDS in Germany into Perspective"
Og her er israelske reaksjoner: 1) Israel Hayom 7. juli 2023:
"German analyst blasted for backing Palestinian right to 'resist'"
"Israeli Embassy in Germany issues
a harsh statement against Muriel Asseburg, who works for a research
institue that advises the Germany federal parliament."
2) Haaretz 10. juli 2023:
"Why Israel Is Attacking Germany's TopMiddle East Expert"
"Muriel
Asseburg says the Israeli embassy manipulated her quotes, while her
workplace, a prominent German think-tank slammed the embassy's
'insinuations and personal defamations' against her"
13. juli 2023 forsvarer den tyske ambassadøren til Israel Muriel Asseburg:
"German Ambassador Denounces 'Harassment' of Top Mideast Expert by Israeli Far Right"
"German
Ambassador to Israel Steffen Seibert responded on Twitter to the public
rebuke of Dr. Muriel Asseburg, condemning a video in which a far-right
activist appears to be filming her and accusing her of antisemitism
during a visit to Israel"
Lesverdig ytring i NY Times om IDFs siste operasjon i flyktningeleiren i Jenin. Her får man god innsikt i Israel/Palestina-konflikten av en kjenner av historien.
The Tale of Two Invasions: What the Last Attack on Jenin Tells Us About Israel Now
The Jenin refugee camp near the city of Jenin in the northern West Bank, last week.Credit...Nasser Ishtayeh/SOPA Images -- LightRocket, via Getty Images
By Tareq Baconi
Mr.
Baconi is a former senior analyst for Israel/Palestine at the
International Crisis Group and the author of “Hamas Contained.”He serves as president of the board of al-Shabaka, the Palestinian Policy Network.
LONDON — Our screens are filled once again with images of weeping women,
children, and the elderly marching down the street with their hands
raised or waving white garments from slow-moving vehicles. Palestinians
have seen this before, having lived through a long history of expulsions
from their homes and villages under the threat of fire.
The newest images came in last week
during the Israeli invasion of the Jenin refugee camp in the occupied
West Bank. Reporters and ambulances of the Palestinian Red Crescent,
which struggled to reach the injured, were impeded by military obstacles.
At a Fourth of July event in Jerusalem, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said
that the Israeli Army had attacked “the most legitimate target on the
planet — people who would annihilate our country.” He was referring to
months of armed resistance against Israeli settlers by young men in the Jenin refugee camp.
More
than 20 years ago, another right-wing prime minister, Ariel Sharon, led
an extensive military campaign against the same refugee camp. It was
two years into the second Palestinian uprising. Palestinian suicide
bombers, some of whom hailed from Jenin, had rocked Israeli streets. In
response, the Israeli Army invaded the West Bank and ravaged the Jenin
refugee camp, then, as now, a center of Palestinian resistance.
A
Palestinian boy inside a destroyed home in the occupied West Bank Jenin
refugee camp on Thursday, following a large-scale, two-day Israeli
military operation.Credit...Zain Jaafar/Agence France-Presse — Getty ImagesA 7-year-old Palestinian amid the rubble of the Jenin refugee camp following the Israeli incursion in June 2002.Credit...Ruth Fremson/The New York Times
The two invasions unfolded in vastly different contexts. Between 2002
and 2023, the illusion of partitioning the land into two states
disintegrated. It exists now only in diplomatic talking points, hollowed
out of all meaning, and replaced by a consensus among international and
Israeli human rights organizations, including B’Tselem, Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International, that Israel is practicing the crime of apartheid against Palestinians, vindicating what Palestinians have long believed.
For most Jewish Israelis, this shift is barely perceptible, as they
continue to be effectively sheltered from the cost of their government’s
policies toward Palestinians. The Palestinians, meanwhile, are
experiencing growing despair and fatigue, ground down by the daily
structural violence. With the absence of any hope for statehood, and
with no viable political leadership to lead the struggle, some take
matters into their own hands through armed and unarmed forms of
resistance, others are apathetic or preoccupied with the crippling
effort to support their families, and many live in fear.
In 2002, though round after round of
American-mediated negotiations had faltered, there was still the hope —
and the expectation — that a peace process would resume. The two-state
solution was touted as the only option for peace. The framework of
territorial partition — that Israel would withdraw from the territories
it had occupied in 1967 in exchange for peace with the Palestinians and
its Arab neighbors — was the dominant policymaking approach.
But as the Second Intifada came to an end, Israel intensified practical measures to expand its occupation and undermine
the two-state solution while maintaining the diplomatic pretense of
engaging with peace efforts. With the financing of Western and Arab
donors, Israel pacified the West Bank with neoliberal incentives even as
it hollowed out
the core of its economy and carved up the Palestinian territory with
expanding settlements. It implemented security coordination measures
with the Palestinian Authority, turning the Palestinian government into a
key partner for managing local resistance. The Palestinian Authority,
for its part, initiated an expansive state-building agenda as it sought
to project an image of an authority with control, one that was setting
the foundations of a future Palestinian state.
Under Mr. Sharon, Israel also
unilaterally reconfigured its occupation of the Gaza Strip, dismantling
its settlements and initiating a territorial disengagement that
proponents of the two-state solution celebrated — perhaps genuinely, but
naïvely — as a step toward peace, one that demonstrated the possibility
of Israeli territorial withdrawal paving the way for eventual
Palestinian rule.
Like Jenin, the Gaza Strip also has a history of resistance against Israeli occupation. With Hamas’s rise to power in 2006, Israel, in coordination with Egypt, tightened a hermetic blockade on the strip, effectively severing it from the rest of Palestine, and experimented with military techniques to force the population into submission.Alongside food restriction policies and an economic chokehold, this took the form of devastating military assaults. The military referred to this doctrine as “mowing the lawn,” the approach of using disproportionate military force to
periodically weaken Palestinian resistance and manage a restive
population chafing against Israeli control.
Last
week, Israel turned this military approach, perfected in the Gaza
Strip, onto the West Bank, as it cordoned off the refugee camp in Jenin,
pummeled it from the air and ground and destroyed crucial
infrastructure for water and electricity as a form of collective
punishment.
In the time between the two invasions of Jenin, Palestinians throughout
the West Bank have been systematically funneled — through land
expropriation, home demolitions and expansion of settlements — into
isolated urban centers surrounded by land occupied by Israel. Just like
Gaza, most urban centers in the West Bank can now be, overnight,
entirely severed from the ecosystem around them, as was witnessed in
Jenin.
Today, there is no need for Israeli officials to sugarcoat their
policies for fear of diplomatic reprisal, or to mitigate against the
presumption of eventual partition. The transformation of Israeli
political culture that accelerated after the violence of the Second
Intifada and the impunity Israel enjoys internationally have culminated
in the most right-wing government in Israeli history.
In the two decades between these invasions, Israeli officials have rendered explicit their desire to consolidate what Israeli human rights group B’Tselem has called
“a regime of Jewish supremacy” in all the areas under their control.
Less than two weeks before the most recent invasion, Israel’s national
security minister, Itamar Ben Gvir, prodded
the government to launch a military offensive while urging an expansion
of settlements in the West Bank. “There needs to be a full settlement
here,” he said. “We have to settle the land of Israel and at the same
time need to launch a military campaign, blow up buildings, assassinate
terrorists. Not one, or two, but dozens, hundreds, or if needed,
thousands.”
Meanwhile, the Palestinian Authority, teetering on the wreck of its
plans for a state, has been irreversibly integrated into the structure
of Israeli apartheid, maintaining a Bantustan-like authority that helps
pacify its population for Israeli gains.
Beneath this evolving context is a singular constant: Israel’s ability
to sustain its settlement of Palestinian territory without
accountability, while equating Palestinian resistance to terrorism. That
this framing has long been accepted among the major Western powers is
particularly galling for Palestinians in the aftermath of the Russian
invasion of Ukraine, where resistance to illegal occupation is hailed as
heroic and supported by Western weapons and military training.
The international community has left Palestinians in a permanent condition of statelessness,
denied the right to self-determination and self-defense. While Israeli
officials use openly racist statements, like saying Israel should “wipe out”
an entire Palestinian town, the Biden administration is pushing for
Israel’s integration into the region through bilateral peace deals,
building on the Trump administration’s Abraham Accords, with barely a
nod to Palestinian rights.
Residents of the Jenin camp, some of whom
had fled from their homes in what is now Israel in 1948, are refugees
once again. And some of the toddlers who were in the camp in 2002 are
now the young men of the Palestinian resistance. As the history of other
struggles against apartheid and colonial violence have taught us,
today’s children will no doubt take up arms to resist such domination in
the future, until these structures of control are dismantled.
Tareq
Baconi is a former senior analyst for Israel/Palestine at the
International Crisis Group and the author of “Hamas Contained.”He serves as president of the board of al-Shabaka, the Palestinian Policy Network.
Familien Bar Laban er kastet ut fra sitt hjem i Øst-Jerusalem etter å ha bodd der i 70 år. Leiligheten er overtatt av en israelsk stiftelse basert på israelsk lovgivning om eiendomsrett fra før 1948. Denne retten gjelder bare for eiendommer eid av jøder.
Det må tas med at Øst-Jerusalem er okkupert område, ulovlig annektert av Israel. Og at den angitte israelske lovgivning om eiendomsrett der er ugyldig.
Nedenfor er flere oppslag om saken. Her vises en overskriften på AP-artikkel fra 28. juni 2023:
"As a lengthy legal battle ends, a Palestinian family braces for eviction from Jerusalem home"
EDIT 12. juli 2023: FN skriver, se Ny Info: "GENEVA (12 July 2023) – The forced eviction and displacement of the
Ghaith-Sub Laban family and many other Palestinian families in east
Jerusalem may amount to a war crime of forcible transfer and must be
immediately reversed, UN experts* said today."
Sitat fra siste del av konklusjonen: "With the dual system of law that currently prevails in the occupied
Palestinian territory best understood as the derivative of an ongoing
settler colonial process, logic dictates that Israel will inevitably
reach the tipping point at which it is forced to confront its own racial
realities vis-à-vis the Palestinians. While the shape that
such a transformation ultimately takes will depend primarily on social
attitudes and political craft, international law may retain a role
through the light that it shines on the normative issues to be resolved
in this context." ...........................
Artikkelen er 10 år gammel. Den viser at konklusjonen den gang var riktig mht utvikling av apartheid.
Dagens politiske situasjon i Israel viser et sterkt engasjement der store deler av samfunnet er i stand til å stå opp tydelig for demokratiet. Men enn så lenge bare for israelere.
Dette engasjementet er et sterkt signal ... og positivt ... at demokrati er viktig. Da er der en basis for et politisk lederskap i Israel til å løfte blikket, og bokstavelig: Se over muren.
EDIT 13. juli 2023 Artikkel i Haaretz (se Ny Info) med intervju av israelsk okkupasjonsmotstander har samme konklusjon:
"Protest’s Lesson for Anti-occupation Left: Mobilize Israelis, Not International Community" "Over
the past six months there’s been a great deal of soul-searching within
what’s left of the Israeli anti-occupation left over their role, if any,
in the protest movement against the judicial overhaul.
Det er håp i Israel når så store masser kan stå opp for demokrati. Da kan også Israels okkupasjon bli en sak som vekker folket.
"Dark money, questionable partners behind new group fighting antisemitism"
Det er snakk om CAM ( Combat Anti-Semitism Movement): "(The group was founded in 2019 and has not yet had to file the 990 tax
form on which nonprofits must publicly disclose their officers and major
expenses.)
“An officer who sees an Israeli planning to throw a Molotov cocktail at a
Palestinian home and stands idly by cannot be an officer,” Israel
Defense Forces Chief of Staff Herzl Halevi said at a graduation ceremony
for an officers’ course at the Bahad 1 base last Wednesday. It’s no
accident that he addressed these words to new officers, for when it
comes to veteran officers, it seems promoting this message is already a
lost cause.
Honestly, I’m fed up. I’m fed up with the constant demand that we be
impressed by senior officers’ willingness to acknowledge terrorism as
terrorism and pogroms as pogroms,
at a time when the terrorism and the pogroms are hitting new heights on
their watch. I’m fed up with watching senior officers like Brig. Gen.
Avi Bluth, who commands the Judea and Samaria Division, explain that
“the army won’t stand idly by when lawbreakers enter villages, torch
property and endanger lives,” even as they are careful to dress these
“ultranationalist crimes” in a shopworn verbal flak jacket – “which even
the settlement leaders and the settlers condemn.”
Bluth devoted all of 14 Hebrew words to the current tsunami of pogroms. I counted. He devoted 60 words to the curses aimed at the Binyamin Brigade’s commander
when he visited the family of a Jew killed in a terror attack near a
settlement. That’s his order of priorities. And incidentally, “youths”
who “don’t represent all settlers” were responsible for this behavior,
too.
The
army has long since ceased “standing idly by.” Its complicity is a
legacy Halevi received in full from his predecessor, Aviv Kochavi. The
army Halevi commands today serves as an armed security force for the
lawbreakers, so that they can return home safely at the end of their
pogrom.
“In
briefings ... they said that if Qusra torches Esh Kadosh’s orchards,
Esh Kadosh’s response will be to torch right back. And in this
situation, it was quite clear that if the settlers are heading toward
Qusra, then we have to go with them so they won’t be stabbed or killed,”
a reserve staff sergeant who served in the army last year told Breaking
the Silence.
And last week, in a video that the Yesh Din
organization filmed, we saw a man with military gear – a flak jacket, a
helmet and an army rifle – vandalizing a Palestinian car in Qaryut.
If
an officer who stands idly by can’t be an officer, what about a chief
of staff? After all, the chief of staff is the one who knowingly allowed
the settlers to relocate a yeshiva within the outpost of Homesh without
a legal permit. And not only did he facilitate it, but he also ordered
the infantry company that guarded the yeshiva – which was illegal before
the move, too – to escort it and guard it in its new location.
So how is he any different than the staff sergeant whose testimony I quoted earlier? He isn’t at all.
The settlers’ representatives in politics
and the media, who have once again found themselves called to rally
around the flag, explained last week that the so-called “hilltop youth”
are “defending themselves” when they set out to burn the property of
families who never did anything to them. But this terror isn’t meant for
self-defense.
Rather,
it’s a political tool, and the settler leadership defends it because
its goals overlap with those of the settlement enterprise as a whole.
It’s “the battle for Area C” – the part of the West Bank assigned to full Israeli control under the Oslo Accords – by other means.
The settlement outposts that Halevi refuses to evacuate are commonly
called “illegal construction,” as if the whole thing were just some
boring real estate issue. But in reality, the illegal outposts are a
source of violence and theft, and the army is an integral part of them.
Protecting such outposts means employing
“special security zones” that encroach on Palestinian lands. It means
turning privately owned Palestinian land into closed military areas. It
means movement restrictions and checkpoints. It means Palestinian
herders being expelled from their lands by settlers backed by the army.
The
pogromist hilltop youth aren’t seeking deterrence but ethnic cleansing –
fewer Palestinians on more land. That’s what happened, for instance, in
Ein Samia, where some 200 Palestinians left their homes due to daily
settler terror with backing from on high. But what matters is that
officers are forbidden to stand idly by.
Words are cheap. Halevi, like his
predecessor, will be judged by his actions. Here is a simple test: Since
2004, the army has been providing armed escorts to the children of Al-Tawani
so they can get to school without those “sweet kids” from the Havat
Maon outpost beating them up. Maybe after 19 years, the army will
finally do the right thing and, instead of escorting the children,
simply arrest the lawbreakers. Blessed are the believers.
Avner Gvaryahu is executive director of Breaking the Silence.
