"Secret Service erased text messages from January 5 and 6, 2021 -- after oversight officials asked for them, watchdog says". "(CNN)The US Secret Service
erased text messages from January 5 and 6, 2021, shortly after they were
requested by oversight officials investigating the agency's response to
the US Capitol riot, according to a letter given to the House select
committee investigating the insurrection and first obtained by CNN."
Skremmende når de hemmelige tjenester forblir hemmelige. Hvem tjener på det?
"Jewish Man Suspected of Involvement in Fatal Stabbing of Palestinian"
"Ali
Hassan Harb, 27, was stabbed to death near the settlement of Ariel
while trying to clear out settlers who were trying to erect an outpost
on his family's land in the West Bank"
..............................
Artikkel fra 972-Mag gir en rekke detaljer og korrigerer IDFs utsagn, se Ny info. Det ble til og med levert til IDF et bilde av gjerningsmannen ...
Spørsmål som gjenstår: Hvorfor er der en "gag order" på å referere om denne arrestasjonen?
Se også EDIT og NY Info nederst i innlegget 29. juli 2022
24. mai 2022:
Dagens Israel tåler ikke informasjon om det som skjedde i 1956.
Det er konklusjonen etter at en domstol i Israel har lagt lokk over en domsavsigelse.
Intet av det som er dømt må bli offentlig ... bare at det er dømt.
Det gjelder IDFs massakre i Kafr Qassenm i 1956.
Om dette gir Haaretz 24. mai 2022 informasjon så lngt det er tilgjengelig.
Det er snakk om en israelsk forsker som vil ha tilgang til arkivene fra 1956.
Fra Haaretz-artikkelen, der det angis at staten påstand var:
"The state opposed the request, arguing that revealing the
minutes could compromise the state’s security, its foreign relations, or
even the privacy or safety of specific individuals."
Og statens påstand ble tatt til følge:
"Last March the ruling was made by the
military appellate tribunal, signed by the court president, Maj. Gen.
(ret.) Doron Feyles, who has since stepped down. At first, he imposed a
sweeping gag order that included the very fact that a ruling had been
made. This week the gag order's restrictions have been somewhat reducted
- and now, it can be reported that a ruling was made, though the
content of the ruling still cannot be published."
Haaretz nevner noen av kommentarene etter denne sensuren:
"Former
state archivist, Dr. Yaacov Lazovic, told Haaretz that “the degree of
imbecility of this decision is so great, that no further comment is
needed.” Regional Cooperation Minister Issawi Frij, a local resident,
who was a witness at the hearing, said that “the decision to prevent the
publication of a legal ruling, and thus empty it of meaning, is an
improper and undemocratic act.”
Slik står det til. Sannheten fra 1956 må tildekkes og hemmeligholdes i 2022. SÅ LITE er palestinerne verdt, ... den gang som nå.
............................
EDIT 29. juli 2022
Da har IDF frigitt rettsreferater fra 1957 om Kafr Qassem:
Haaretz: "Transcripts of Kafr Qasem Massacre Trial Revealed: ‘The Commander Said Fatalities Were Desirable’" "The
Kafr Qasem massacre transcripts were kept secret until now, under the
claim that revealing them would jeopardize Israel' national security."
Jerusalem Post: "IDF releases court documents from Kfar Kassem massacre" "Witnesses argue Border Police soldiers interpreted orders "irrationally" • Arab MKs: Israel must acknowledge responsibility"
Det er skremmende lesning. - Det var ønskelig at noen døde? - Og at området ble etnisk renset ... ved flukt til Jordan? - Og var det planer om å innta Jordan hvis det eskalerte?
Her spørs det om ikke mer lys må til. Da må det skrives om saken.
Og så må dagens offisielle Israel på banen og uttale seg. Ellers kommer man ikke videre.
Kafr Qasem Massacre: Israel Makes Decision on Historic Docs. That’s All We Can Say
Israel
has maintained that a request by a historian to reveal protocols
dealing with the Kafr Qasem massacre would harm state security and its
foreign affairs. Now that a military court has made a ruling, it’s
unknown if, when and what information the public will see
Kafr Qasem residents attend a memorial event on the anniversary of the massacre, in 2019.Credit: Moti Milrod
Ending a five-year legal process, the
military appellate tribunal has handed down its ruling regarding the
request of a historian to reveal historical documents related to the
Kafr Qassem massacre in 1956. But due to a gag order, this ruling cannot
be published. So despite the fact that it was given, there is no
telling whether, when, and which documents will be revealed to the
public.
Former
state archivist, Dr. Yaacov Lazovic, told Haaretz that “the degree of
imbecility of this decision is so great, that no further comment is
needed.” Regional Cooperation Minister Issawi Frij, a local resident,
who was a witness at the hearing, said that “the decision to prevent the publication of a legal ruling, and thus empty it of meaning, is an improper and undemocratic act.”
The appeal to the court was filed in 2017 by historian Adam Raz,
who now works at the Akevot research institute. At the time, he was
writing a book about the massacre and sought to publish historical
documents written during the military trial conducted in the late 1950s
against the perpetrating soldiers. The material requested by Raz
included some 600 pages of court minutes and a list of documents
submitted as evidence during the 1950s trial. The current trial,
which dealt with whether to reveal the material, was conducted in closed
chambers. The state opposed the request, arguing that revealing the
minutes could compromise the state’s security, its foreign relations, or
even the privacy or safety of specific individuals.
Former state archivist Lazovic saw the materials on the job and also
submitted an opinion to the court, which is also under a gag order. “I
have seen the material. I cannot say what it contains, but I can say,
both in this regard and in general, that the stance stating that
documents from decades ago can harm the state’s foreign relations or
public order is completely mistaken,” he said on Monday.
The Kafr Qassem Massacre
took place on the first day of the Sinai War in 1956. Border Police
troops shot and killed 47 Arab-Israeli citizens who lived in the village
in the Triangle region, including women and children. The residents
returned home in the evening without knowing that the curfew hour had
been changed to an earlier time. The soldiers shot at them following an
order – which was eventually defined as “patently illegal” – to shoot
anyone they saw on the street. Local residents say 51 people were killed
in the massacre, including a boy and a man shot in nearby villages, an
old man who died of a heart attack upon hearing that his grandson had
been killed, and a fetus carried by one of the residents.
A hearing in a military court on the declassification of the Kafr Qassem massacre documents in 2018.Credit: Ofer Aderet
Eight soldiers were convicted of
involvement in the deed and sent to prison, but their sentences were
commuted, and all were released before serving most of their sentences.
Some even received public service appointments later on. Colonel Yiska
Shadmi, commander of the sector where the massacre was committed, was
tried separately. He was acquitted of murder, and convicted on a minor
count of “exceeding authority.”
Official
Israeli representatives have apologized for the massacre and asked
forgiveness for it several times over recent decades. Kafr Qassem has a
museum commemorating the murder victims, but a bill to officially recognize and commemorate the massacre – through budgeting, education, and other means – was voted down by the Knesset last year and raised political turmoil.
Last March the ruling was made by the
military appellate tribunal, signed by the court president, Maj. Gen.
(ret.) Doron Feyles, who has since stepped down. At first, he imposed a
sweeping gag order that included the very fact that a ruling had been
made. This week the gag order's restrictions have been somewhat reducted
- and now, it can be reported that a ruling was made, though the
content of the ruling still cannot be published.
“After
decades, it’s clear that not releasing documents has nothing to do with
security or foreign affairs, but rather is because the state seeks to
prevent the release of information that will embarrass it and paint it
in a negative light,” says Raz.
Colonel Yiska Shadmi (center), who commanded the forces in Kafr Qasem, during his time as a military commander in the Negev.Credit: Palmach Archives/IDF Archives
He says that recently, before the ruling, the military prosecution
announced that it was retracting its objection to allowing large
sections of the material to be reviewed. However, it still opposes
publishing photos and certain documents, including those related to
“Operation Mole” – a political plan to deport Triangle residents to
Jordan, which some believe is the backdrop for the massacre. “What
changed to make the prosecution drop its objection to publication?
Nothing. It’s not like some security threat disappeared. It’s part of
the state’s institutional DNA, not to publish material. In this case
publication is crucial not only for research, but also for the
community, which wants to know the whole truth about what happened to
their loved ones,” Raz says.
Attorney Shlomi Zechariah, representing Raz, said, “The conduct of some
of the actors was troubling, to say the least, and many eyebrows will be
raised when all is revealed.”
Adam Raz and Esawi Freige at a hearing in the military court in 2018.Credit: Ofer Aderet
According to Minister Frij, “66 years after the massacre, the State of
Israel is strong enough to stop being afraid of the truth. Publishing
the minutes won’t harm state security; to the contrary, it will help
this open wound heal. The concealment only intensifies the pain and
suspicion. It’s time for the State of Israel to deal with the less
pleasant parts of its history.”
The IDF Spokesman commented: “A decision
was recently made regarding the request to review materials from the
Kafr Qassem affair. There is a gag order on the contents of the
decision, as the former president of the military tribunal ruled, and in
accordance with the law.”
Riksrevisor har gått gjennom saken om "Bergen Engines".
Hans konklusjon: "Sterke kritikkverdig" behandling av Solbergregjeringen
Avisoppslag:
E24 desember 2021: "Riksrevisoren mener Solberg-regjeringen forsøkte å skjule Bergen Engines-dokumenter" –
Jeg tror i hvert fall ikke det er et arbeidsuhell. Dette er gjort
bevisst, og det er kreativt gjort for å forsøke å hindre innsyn.
Dagsavisen 8. desember 2021: «Dette er gjort bevisst, og det er kreativt gjort for å forsøke å hindre
innsyn», slår riksrevisor Per-Kristian Foss fast ovenfor E24. Det er uakseptabelt, men ikke enestående. Dagens Næringsliv
kunne denne uka fortelle at avisa fant rundt 40 dokumenter fra 2019 og
fram til første halvdel av 2021 som først i oktober ble journalført.
Bergens Tidende 19. mars 2022: "Stortinget kritiserer hemmelighold" Utdrag: "I rapporten peker Riksrevisjonen blant annet på at Justis- og beredsskapsdepartementet la dokumenter som verken var gradert eller skjermet i et hemmelig arkiv, og at Utenriksdepartementet ga dokumentene intetsigende titler slik at de ikke dukket opp i slk, påpekte Yadar." (Stortingsrep. Seher Aydar).
Bevisst feilarkivering ... i hemmelig arkiv og med intetsigende titler. Tilbakehold: Sen arkivering av dokumenter, som da ikke var tilgjengelig da saken ble behandlet i Stortinget,.
Riksrevisors rapport om saken er behandlet i Stortinget i mars 2022 nærmest som en sak om "dårlige arkivrutiner".
DET svekker alvoret i saken.
Alvoret er egentlig som angitt av E24: - "Riksrevisoren mener Solberg-regjeringen forsøkte å skjule Bergen Engines-dokumenter"
Den erfarne kommentator Yossi Melman i Haaretz har en utblåsing.
Etter 38 års erfaring med forsvars- og overvåkingsorganene i Israel bruker han utrykket: "Deep State" om disses grep om domstolene:
"I’ve Been Covering Israeli Intelligence and Security for 38 Years. The Legal System Exhausts Me" (Haaretz 4. januar 2022)
Det dreier seg om sensur og hemmelighold ... såkalt "gag order": Avisene får ikke skrive om saken ... det vedtar dommerne .... etter krav fra forsvars- og sikkerhets-ledelsen.
Ved dette er stor og viktige saksområder lukket for innsikt.
Som Israels våpensalg til ulike regimer.
Som i Azerbadjan der ledelsen for en israelsk droneleverandør skal ha deltatt i angrep mot Armenia for å demonstrere dronenes effektivitet.
HELE artikkelen til Yossi Melman i Haaretz 4. januar 2022:
I’ve Been Covering Israeli Intelligence and Security for 38 Years. The Legal System Exhausts Me
Yossi MelmanJanuary 04, 2022
An Aeronautics Defense Dominator drone, 2018.
About four and a half years ago, I exposed a suspicion of criminal
behavior on the part of Aeronautics Ltd., a drone manufacturer from the
city of Yavne, and some of its executives. According to the information I
had, company employees had ordered that a specific activity be carried
out, although they knew that in doing so they were in violation of the
law that regulates defense exports. They did so at the request of a
foreign country.
The company denied it. As a result of my report, Nir Ben Moshe, who
headed the Defense Ministry’s security department, along with the Israel
Police, were forced to open an investigation. They were blatantly
reluctant to do so.
‘I hope we won’t need it’: Israel’s doomsday option against Iran. LISTEN
Since its establishment about 25 years ago by Avi Leumi, Aeronautics
has changed hands several times, and at present it is owned by Rafael
Advanced Defense Systems. Although its name has been tied to
controversial arms deals in Nigeria and India totaling hundreds of
millions of dollars, whose reverberations reached the courts, it has
always remained the favorite of the defense establishment and its former
officials. Among its former employees were Omri Sharon (son of former
Prime Minister Ariel Sharon) and Itai Ashkenazi (son of former Foreign
Minister Gabi Ashkenazi),Yaacov Peri former head of the Shin Bet
security service Eitan Ben Eliyahu, former head of the air force and
former Navy Commander Yedidya Yaari.
Immediately following my report in Maariv about the suspicions against Aeronautics,
the police and defense officials rushed to ask the Rishon Letzion
Magistrate’s Court to place a gag order on the affair. Judges Amit
Michaels and Guy Avnon willingly acceded to the request. They later
rejected my petition to revoke the order, which was submitted by
attorney Elad Man, the legal adviser at Hatzlacha, an NGO that seeks to
promote good governance.
The gag order was so sweeping that it even forbade the publication of
information I had already published. And that was despite the fact that
to this day, the information – including the name of the country in
which the incident took place – is easily accessible to anyone on
foreign media websites, on Wikipedia and on social media. And yet, the
judges were willing to serve as extras in this theater of the absurd,
which is being staged – not for the first time – by the defense
establishment and the police. It should be noted that all the
proceedings took place behind closed doors, some of them in the presence
of only one side, after Man and I were removed from the courtroom.
What also contributed to the judges’ fear and awe was the fact that
the Mossad intelligence agency intervened and handed down an opinion,
warning that any report on the affair would harm Israel’s security
interests. And if that weren’t enough, the defense minister of that
country, which is considered a highly important strategic asset for
Israel, visited Israel at the time and warned that security and
intelligence-military cooperation with it would be undermined if the
reports continued. The media in that country, which is headed by a
corrupt dictator, cursed me and described me as an agent of another
country that is engaged in a military conflict with it.
A few days ago, the State Prosecutor’s Office filed an indictment against Aeronautics
and three of its executives, thereby confirming the accuracy of my
original report from August 2017. But despite my satisfaction from
helping to expose corruption, and thereby also contributing to democracy
in Israel, my frustration and disappointment with the conduct of the
defense and legal establishments only increased while I was covering the
story.
I have been a journalist for 47 years, during 38 of which I
specialized in covering intelligence and security affairs. For a
substantial part of that time, as part of my writing assignments I
petitioned the courts to lift gag orders on past and present corrupt and
embarrassing security stories. With the perspective of age, I am aware
that the situation is only continuing to deteriorate. The judges’ immune
system and its ability to deal with the defense establishment is only
becoming weaker.
I have accumulated experience in petitions that I submitted to all
the courts in Israel: the Magistrate’s Court, District Court, Supreme
Court and High Court of Justice. I appeared before justices considered
“liberal,” including Aharon Barak, Ayala Procaccia, Menachem Mazuz,
Yoram Danziger, Edna Arbel, Uri Shoham and current President Esther
Hayut, and judges labeled “conservative”: David Mintz, Noam Sohlberg and
Alex Stein.
When it came to security issues, there were no differences between
them. Both groups stand at attention when they hear the word
“security.”Both are lackeys of the defense establishment. They are
willing to whitewash almost any injustice committed by the defense
establishment, and to quickly brush aside, without a thorough discussion
and while demonstrating a contemptuous and arrogant judgmental nature,
any petition or request by media outlets, lawyers, human rights
activists and any supporter of justice.
In recent years, the judges have received and justified decisions by
the Defense Ministry and the Mossad to arm cruel dictators and leaders
who violate human rights and in countries such as, to name a few, Azerbaijan, the Philippines, Myanmar, South Sudan
and Saudi Arabia – and to prevent the publication of documents from the
state archives about acts of slaughter, rape and expulsion during the
1948 War of Independence, about the murder of prisoners during wars or
about intelligence operations in which drug dealers are involved. Of
course, that’s all done in the name of “national security,” but the fact
is that this term is sometimes used in vain in order to cover up
failures and embarrassment, or to conceal illegal acts of which the
defense establishment is ashamed of.
The “deep state” – meaning a state that is hidden beneath the surface
– is a term from the field of political science. It describes a
situation in which a secret group composed of hidden power networks
operates independently, outside the country’s elected political
leadership, and tries to advance its own agenda and goals.
The concept acquired prominence and legitimacy during the presidency
of Donald Trump in the United States. Far-right circles there and in
Israel began to use it to disseminate groundless conspiracy theories in
order to attack left-wing and liberal circles, to weaken the legal
system and the media and to undermine democracy.
But in Israel, this dubious term is metaphorically appropriate for
describing the defense establishment, which operates like a state within
a state and does almost anything it pleases, without effective
parliamentary supervision, and with close cooperation and backing from
the legal system. This combined pincer movement is exhausting the
minority that is still ready to fight for justice, human rights and
morality, and against injustices. I also feel that I’m exhausted and
that I’m tilting at windmills, like Don Quixote. I will keep writing,
but I’m losing the desire to petition the courts once again. Maybe I’ll
try one more time.
"Classified Docs Reveal Massacres of Palestinians in '48 – and What Israeli Leaders Knew"
Testimonies
continue to pile up, documents are revealed, and gradually a broader
picture emerges of the acts of murder committed by Israeli troops during
the War of Independence. Minutes recorded during cabinet meetings in
1948 leave no room for doubt: Israel's leaders knew in real time about
the blood-drenched events that accompanied the conquest of the Arab
villages.
The
discussions were fraught with emotion. Cabinet minister Haim-Moshe
Shapira said that all of Israel’s moral foundations had been undermined.
Minister David Remez remarked that the deeds that had been done remove
us from the category of Jews and from the category of human beings
altogether. Other ministers were also appalled: Mordechai Bentov
wondered what kind of Jews would be left in the country after the war;
Aharon Zisling related that he had had a sleepless night – the
criminals, he said, were striking at the soul of the whole government.
Some ministers demanded that the testimonies be investigated and that
those responsible be held to account. David Ben-Gurion was evasive. In
the end, the ministers decided on an investigation. The result was the
establishment of the “committee to examine cases of murder in [by] the
army.”
..........................
Ovenstående er fra en fersk artikkel i Haaretz 9. desember 2021
En artikkel fra 5. juli 2019 om samme sak (se under Kilde) viser at mange dokumenter sensureres og holdes borte fra offentligheten.
I 2021 er det på tide at Israel frigir hemmeligholdte dokumenter fra 1948.
EDIT: 12. desember 2021 Lederartikkel i Haaretz(se Ny info) "Israel's 'Most Moral Army in the World' Can't Keep Running Away From Its Past"
"How the U.S. Hid an Airstrike That Killed Dozens of Civilians in Syria"
"The military never conducted an independent investigation into a 2019 bombing on the last bastion of the Islamic State, despite concerns about a secretive commando force."
"The Times investigation showed that the death toll from the strike — 80 people — was almost immediately apparent to military officials. A legal officer flagged the bombing as a possible war crime that required an investigation. But at nearly every step, the military made moves that concealed the catastrophic strike. The Defense Department’s independent inspector general began an inquiry, but the report containing its findings was stalled and stripped of any mention of the strike."
Nåværende amerikanske forsvarssjef Austin blir presset til å svare i saken.
Og sier man må skjerpe seg.
Men hjelper det?
Hvis saken ikke blir saumfart.
Og de ansvarlige dermed går fri ....
Saken er så alvorlig ... og NY Times sin graving så grundig ... at 29. november 2021 melder avisen:
"Pentagon Chief Orders New Inquiry Into U.S. Airstrike That Killed Dozens in Syria"
Og det er nødvendig.
USA kan ikke leve med en bevisst skjuling av mulig krigsforbrytelse av landets militære ledelse.
Hemmelighold av politiske beslutninger og grep tatt på bakrommet ... det er gammelt nytt.
MAKTA vil ikke alltid vise hva makta GJØR ... spesielt hvis det ikke tåler dagslys.
Og det er DA det er viktig å være på vakt.
Utsagnet... "Demokratiet dør i mørke" ... det er et godt begrep i slike situasjoner.
Ja, til bruk i ALLE tider.
Opprinnelig stammer det fra dommer Damon Keith (1922-2019) fra Detroit.
Og det er tatt i bruk som hovedmotto av Washington Post i 2017 som "Democracy dies in Darkness":
Uttalelsen kom dommer Keith med under rettsaker i USA etter 11. september 2001 om hemmelig utsendelse av muslimer og arabere fra USA:
"After the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, the U.S. Justice Department
began deporting Arab and Muslim immigrants in secret court proceedings,
which The Detroit Free Press, The Detroit News, the ACLU,
and U.S. Rep. John Conyers challenged in federal court, arguing it was a
violation of the First Amendment to close immigration hearings to the
public.
In his decision, Keith wrote that "Democracy dies in the dark."
The phrase was later adopted by The Washington Post for use as its slogan, who tweaked it to "Democracy Dies in Darkness" in 2017.
